Such a new republic and a rise of freedom and individualism in Russia would have negated the decades that monopolists had worked to cartelize what industries and markets could be controlled in the atmosphere of laissez-faire which had contributed so much to prosperity and power for America.
Lenin on Freedom Article This article has been written by Roland Boer and originally published in Monthly Review Source of the Article Posted by Ramprathap on Leave a response Lenin and freedom — it is perhaps a jarring juxtaposition for many.
Is not any discussion of freedom with regard to Lenin a bad joke? A close reading of Lenin reveals that his arguments are far more subtle than much received opinion. Indeed, he seeks to hold together two seemingly contradictory positions: Only through this utterly explicit partisanship is an actual, universal freedom possible.
The attempted resolution of that contradiction takes place in the thorough redefinition of freedom through the whole revolutionary process, especially in the period after seizing power, a redefinition that renders all hitherto known senses of freedom obsolete.
That gives reign to predatory wars.
It is merely another excuse to rob workers Lenin : Freedom of the press? It is actually freedom for the rich to own the press and propagate their bourgeois views and befuddle the people Lenin : All of which Lenin sums up in characteristic fashion, replete with a biblical allusion Matthew All your talk about freedom and democracy is sheer claptrap, parrot phrases, fashionable twaddle, or hypocrisy.
It is just a painted signboard. And you yourselves are whited sepulchres. You are mean-spirited boors, and your education, culture, and enlightenment are only a species of thoroughgoing prostitution.
Actual freedom is the insistence that we have the ability and opportunity to abolish the old system and its formal freedoms.
Yet at times Lenin sounds like a good liberal, arguing for a state administration that is utterly responsible to the people, that is accountable to, elected by and subject to recall by the people Lenin -b: It is all too easy to juxtapose these statements with the restrictions on such freedoms after the revolution Lih ; Rabinowitch ,but that misses a subtle point Lenin makes, not only in the debates during the times of the Dumabut also after the revolution, as we will see in a moment.
A vital question remains: Or more simply, what happens after the revolution? The beginning of an answer is that the revolution is not merely the moment — with however long a process leading up to that moment — when the old order has been overthrown and power has been seized by the revolutionaries.
It includes that vital period after the revolutionary overthrow when all things have to be made anew. In this context, freedom becomes what at first appears to be a paradox: Does it not become another version of formal freedom?
Not at all, but let us see why. The opposite of democracy was not the autocracy or dictatorship, but the classes of the old aristocracy and the bourgeoisie.
Democracy became synonymous with the range of socialist parties, while those of the bourgeoisie Kadets and the old aristocracy Octobrists and others were anti-democratic Kolonitskii Lenin played no small part in that process of redefinition, which brings us to our second point, concerning concealment: Third, bourgeois freedom is predicated on the individual, while proletarian freedom is collective.
The catch here is that this supposed individuality of bourgeois freedom is in fact a collective position that is, once again, systematically concealed and denied. However, if one begins explicitly with the collective, then freedom begins to mean a very different type of freedom.
In other words, bourgeois freedom serves the cause of capitalism in which the vast majority are systematically denied freedom. We may describe this argument as an effort to redefine freedom in a sense that is not bourgeois.
The problem is that such a task had never been undertaken after a successful overthrow of bourgeois power, so Lenin and the communists found themselves in uncharted waters.
As he reiterated over and over, the actual seizure of power is the easy part, but the task of constructing communism is far more complex than anything that has gone before.
That sense of setting out into unknown territory is reflected forcefully in the piecemeal notes, concerning freedom and new democratic structures, Lenin made for the Extraordinary Seventh Congress of the Russian Communist Party in March Lenin : To begin with, the partisan nature of actual freedom meant that the bourgeoisie would have to be smashed.The Freedom of the Seas in History, Law, and Politics by Pitman B.
Potter Air Power and War Rights by J.M. Spaight Men and Policies: Addresses by Eluhu Root by . Published in Bulgarian in under the title: Dnevnik. Some material has been omitted from the English translation. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN (alk. paper) 1. Dimitrov, Georgi, –—Diaries.
2. Statesmen—Bulgaria—Diaries. 3. Communists—Bulgaria—Diaries. 4. Bulgaria—History—Boris III, – The concept of freedom is one openly displayed in many of the famous artworks in history; it also seeps through into the less famous. This concept, though apparently straightforward, is a broad topic encompassing many views and aspects.
“Freedom” is a grand word, but under the banner of freedom for industry the most predatory wars were waged, under the banner of freedom of labour, the working people were robbed.
The modern use of the term “freedom of criticism” contains the same inherent falsehood. Study guide and teaching aid for Vladimir Lenin: What Is to Be Done?
featuring document text, summary, and expert commentary. Lih's book is an attempt to put Lenin on the side of the anti-conspiratorial, democratic, wor If you like books that give painstaking analysis to obscure passages from Russian Marxists emigres circa early 's, then this is the book for you!!/5.